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Trump republicans on Ukraine: To Russia, with love

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Is Ronald Reagan turning in his grave? 

Would the president who told Mr Gorbachev in Berlin to “Tear down this wall!” tell Mr Putin that the West really should not care if he tears down Ukraine? 

The president who said – in Moscow — in 1988, “Here’s my strategy on the Cold War:  We win, they lose,” take this from Republican Rep. Paul Gosar of Alabama:  “We have no dog in the Ukraine fight.”?

The Gipper would be standing with the Republican leaders in the Senate, led by Mitch McConnell, on what needs to be done – and who support, in large measure, what President Biden has done.

“It appears to me the administration is moving in the right direction,”

McConnell said.

A day later, he added, “My advice to the president and his team from the very beginning was, ‘Let’s do the following things and do them now: both ground-to-air stinger missiles, the weapons that can also be used against tanks into Ukraine now.’”

White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki underscored the importance of this alignment on Ukraine:  “One country should not be able to invade and take over territory from another country—that’s not just a Democratic belief or Republican belief,” she said. 

“That’s central to who we are as a country and who leaders like Leader McConnell or…like President Biden [are]. That’s what their belief has been for many decades, so we certainly welcome that.”

But several major Republicans in Congress and drivers of the party’s Trumpist trajectory are decidedly in the Putin camp – with shocking statements. 

Trump himself told Lou Dobbs that sending troops to NATO would serve, “To start World War III, to start World War III. It’s just all so crazy. And it would have never happened under me. It would have never happened.”

This rings true to those who believed Trump supported Putin more than he stood with NATO in his presidency. And who believe Trump would surrender Ukraine to Putin.

Tucker Carlson had the largest cable news ratings in 2021 and has over 3.2million viewers each night. Carlson is Trump’s favourite megaphone for the base. He said to Axios:

“Why is it disloyal to side with Russia, but loyal to side with Ukraine? It’s a sincere question. I just want to go on the record and say I could care less if they call me a pawn of Putin”

Tucker Carlson

“It’s too stupid. I don’t speak Russian. I’ve never been to Russia. I’m not that interested in Russia. All I care about is the fortunes of the United States, because I have four children who live here. I really hope that Republican primary voters are ruthless about this,” and vote out any Republican “who believes Ukraine’s borders are more important than our borders.”

You judge whether Tucker Carlson is a pawn of Putin.

Not only are the biggest Trumpists in Congress supporting these views, but the Trumpists running for election in November have seized on them too. 

Several Republican Senate candidates for Ohio, Arizona and Nevada are on board: “This country has actual problems that our politicians should prioritize election integrity, the border crisis, soaring inflation, violent crime, failing schools, and Big Tech, to name a few. The Ukrainian border isn’t even in the top 20,” Arizona Senate hopeful Blake Masters said.

So many in the Republican Party have not just run from Reagan, they have severed ties with Reagan. Trump wants to dominate the party for decades to come –  even longer than Reagan held sway from his election in 1980 through the presidencies of two Bushes, ending in 2009. 

Given what up-and-coming Republicans are saying, and doing, to the biggest threat to European and US security since the Cold War, Trump is on track to succeed.  

Putin hopes he will.  

Bruce Wolpe is a Ticker News US political contributor. He’s a Senior Fellow at the US Studies Centre and has worked with Democrats in Congress during President Barack Obama's first term, and on the staff of Prime Minister Julia Gillard. He has also served as the former PM's chief of staff.

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Trump’s campaign tactic – debase and disgrace the legal process

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Donald Trump, former president of the United States, hated Arraignment Day I in Manhattan two months ago, the first time a former president had been criminally charged. 

Trump was being forced against his will into a proceeding he had utter contempt for.  He was being arrested and fingerprinted and photographed under an indictment under the jurisdiction of Manhattan in New York City for allegations of hush money payments and fraudulent bookkeeping practices to conceal criminal activity. Trump heard the charges read out against him and he entered a plea of not guilty.

Trump had a terrible day. Trump wore a scowl throughout. His countenance was fearsome.  What Trump hated most about his arraignment in New York is that he had to sit at a table with his counsel side by side with him — equal to him — and with the judge above him looking down on him. Trump could not control the discussion and could not interrupt to make his points.

Trump was subordinate to the judge. He was subordinate to no one as president.

Arraignment Day II

Arraignment Day II in Miami will be worse from Trump, even more stressful.  The charges are substantially more serious:  the alleged violation of federal criminal statutes involving the alleged mishandling and illegal possession of classified documents, lying to legal authorities, and obstruction of justice.  Potential penalties run to years in prison and millions of dollars in fines.

Trump throughout his business life had always crafted his affairs to avoid being a defendant. But in his term in office, he was caught up in it big time. He was a defendant in two impeachment trials – again, unprecedented events – and left office in disgrace.

But Trump does not feel disgraced. He never does.  Trump does not have a reverse gear.  He never retreats.  Never admits. Never concedes. Never yields.  Trump is never embarrassed. Trump never feels ashamed. When something goes wrong, it is always the fault of someone else.

And Trump never repents.

Trump can feel this way because Trump is waging war on behalf of his armies in “the final battle” for the future of the county. In his first, fiery post-indictment speech in Georgia, Trump said, “They’ve launched one witch hunt after another to try and stop our movement, to thwart the will of the American people.  In the end, they’re not coming after me. They’re coming after you … “Either we have a Deep State, or we have a Democracy…Either the Deep State destroys America, or WE destroy the Deep State.”

It is a powerful formulation, and his true believers love it.

Hours later, In North Carolina, Trump mainlined his distilled message for the Republican crowd:

“We are a failing nation. We are a nation in decline. And now these radical left lunatics want to interfere with our elections by using law enforcement.

It’s totally corrupt and we cannot let it happen.

This is the final battle.

With you at my side we will demolish the Deep State.

We will expel the warmongers from our government.

We will drive out the globalists.

We will cast out the communists.

We will throw off the sick political class that hates our country.

We will roll out the fake news media.

We will defeat Joe Bide and we will liberate America from those villains once and for all.”

Any lesser mortal would be staggered by these events.  Any other presidential candidate would be driven from the race.  But not Trump.

Debase and disgrace

Trump is using the same playbook today as he successfully triggered after being charged in New York:  debase and disgrace the legal process by terming it completely political.  Trump said the federal indictment is “election interference at the highest level.”

Almost every other Republican running for president has adopted this line, insulating Trump from pressure to leave the field.

Trump’s chief opponent, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis said after these indictments: “The weaponization of federal law enforcement represents a mortal threat to a free society. We have for years witnessed an uneven application of the law depending upon political affiliation.”

Republican congressperson Nancy Mace: “This is a banana republic. I can’t believe this is happening.” Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene: “Democrats are arresting their political enemies. and they work together in their corrupt ways to get it done.”

Trump is using his affliction to raise millions of dollars from his base.

Trump will likely face Arraignment Day III in Georgia in August.  A state prosecutor is expected to charge Trump with criminal interference in the certification of Georgia’s vote for Joe Biden in the 2020 presidential election.

As of now, there is no sign of cracks in Trump’s support among Republican voters.  There is no surge to another candidate.  What remains to be seen is whether Republican voters, as they see Trump spend his days in courtrooms and his evenings at rallies around the country, reach a conclusion that this is a spectacle too far, too much to bear, and that they want to turn to another conservative populist who stands for them in the political trials— and not the criminal trials – of 2024.

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Donald Trump’s legal woes will serve him well

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It’s not often that a U.S. President faces federal indictment, but if it’s going to happen to anyone, it might as well be Donald Trump first.

The news that Donald Trump is facing a federal investigation over the removal of secret documents from the White House in 2021 came as no surprise.

Keen watches of the Washington soap opera have seen this playbook before, albeit in a different form.

There is no doubt that Donald Trump is a Washington outsider. But as seriously damaged as he may be (thanks to the events of January 6), his support base has only grown whenever he faces scrutiny.

For his supporters, his legal woes mirror their own relationship with the government – a giant, unfair beast that picks and chooses its fights.

Trump is accused of storing sensitive documents—including those concerning matters of national security—in boxes, some even in a shower.

The documents were seized last August when investigators from the FBI executed a search warrant at Mar-a-Lago.

The Department of Justice has historically avoided charging people who are running for public office. Whether they should do that is a debate for another day. But it’s happening now. And it’s making it all too easy for Trump to claim there is a concerted campaign to get him away from the White House.

Trump exposed the deep state. IF they exist, they probably don’t want him back in power. Whether they exist doesn’t matter really, because plenty of Trump’s supporters agree with him, and believe the secret state is working against them. Call it QAnon, call it a conspiracy – it doesn’t matter in a democracy.

The DoJ now has to go all in. Failing to secure a conviction would be a serious embarrassment for the department.

This is the second time Trump has been indicted in recent months, yet the opinion polls show he only increases his popularity among MAGA and Republican voters. It leaves the Republican party in a difficult position. Support their leading candidate or support the law?

As other Republicans rallied around the embattled candidate, Trump held on to his loyal base of supporters.

For the Democrats, and for Biden, another reality will soon sink in – if Trump becomes President, and they lose office next year, how will a Trump-run DoJ deal with them?

Broadly, the tit-for-tat one-up-manship of U.S. politics is breaking tradition and potentially breaking the country.

 

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